This book is very well written. The narrator
is an imaginative seven-year-old whose fresh perspective reminded me of Scout’s
narration from To Kill a Mockingbird. The similes are memorable ( . . .
like polishing firewood) and the characters of the Kochamma family believably complicated.
One
aspect of the book that resonated with me is the depiction of the breach that
exists between someone’s political identity and that person’s actions. The
story is set in 1967 in Kerala, India, in a time when the Naxalites (Communist
Party of India) had political power in local politics. However, not even
Marxism can uproot the entrenched caste system.
Chacko is
a pretty woke character, standing up against domestic violence in his own family
and going on rants about his family’s Anglophilia. His political beliefs come
up frequently in family life: he tells Ammu that she is fascist for the way she
punishes her children – “even children have some rights, for God’s sake!” (81).
However,
Chacko is also a business owner who employs untouchables. He is hesitant to
provide them with accident insurance, higher wages, etc. He goes against
tradition to invite untouchables to “sit at table with him and drink tea,” but
this act of kindness is interpreted by Ammu as manipulative flirting – “a
landlord forcing his attentions on women who depended on him for their
livelihood” (62-63).
A local Communist
politician, K.N.M. Pillai, reveals that he tries to compartmentalize the
different aspects of Chacko’s personality: “[Pillai] told himself that
Chacko-the-client and Chacko-the-Management were two different people. Quite
separate of course from Chacko-the-Comrade” (115). Chacko himself suffers from
some cognitive dissonance due to the tension between Chacko-the-Comrade and
Chacko-the-Management.
Towards
the end of the book, Pillai refuses to stand up for an overachieving untouchable,
saying, “it is not in the Party’s interests to take up such matters” (271). The
other untouchables resent the overachieving one, which makes Pillai’s position
understandable. However, when the politician calling for revolution refuses to support the
social advancement of an untouchable, it signifies hypocrisy – “another
religion turned against itself” (272).
The main
message of the book seems to be that the Love Laws – “the laws that lay down
who should be loved, and how. And how much” – ought to be overturned (33). This
wasn’t a message I resonated deeply with, but I do appreciate Roy showing what
happens (spoiler: incest) if you accept the logical extremes of refusing the Love
Laws, and leaving most of her readership uncomfortable in the process.

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